Theses and Dissertations (Political Sciences)

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Enhancing the role of gender focal persons in gender mainstreaming and women empowerment in KwaZulu-Natal
(University of Pretoria, 2025-02) Isike, Christopher; zenandeholding@gmail.com; Khumalo-Dludla, Deborah Samukele
This dissertation critically explores the roles of Gender Focal Persons (GFPs) in implementing gender mainstreaming and promoting women’s empowerment in the district municipalities of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The investigation is situated within the context of persistent gender inequalities and the strategic deployment of GFPs as agents of change in the regional government's policy framework. The study is grounded in gender mainstreaming, which provides a nuanced understanding of the socio-cultural and political dynamics influencing gender relations in the region. Using a qualitative methodology, the research engaged with GFPs, their supervisors, and representatives from civil society across eleven district municipalities. The study captures a comprehensive view of the challenges and impacts associated with the GFPs' roles through interviews and focus group discussions. This methodological approach allows a deep exploration of the lived experiences and perceptions of those directly involved in gender mainstreaming processes. The findings reveal that GFPs are pivotal in advocating for and implementing gender-sensitive policies and practices. However, they encounter significant obstacles, including political interference, resource constraints, administrative instability, and prevailing societal attitudes and stigma towards gender issues. These challenges are exacerbated by insufficient training and support for GFPs, hindering their effectiveness and the sustainability of gender mainstreaming efforts. Despite these hurdles, GFPs have made notable impacts within their communities, particularly in enhancing awareness and fostering environments that support women's empowerment and gender equality. The study underscores the critical role of supportive policies and legislation in enabling GFPs to perform their roles more effectively. Furthermore, it highlights the need for a strengthened policy framework that can better facilitate the operationalization of gender mainstreaming at the grassroots level, thereby providing practical guidance for policymakers and practitioners. The dissertation concludes with a set of recommendations aimed at enhancing the effectiveness of GFPs. These include providing targeted training in economic empowerment, gender sensitization, leadership, advocacy, and policy navigation skills. Additionally, it calls for increased resource allocation, more excellent administrative support, and more intensive community engagement to combat stigma and foster a more inclusive society. Overall, the research contributes to the broader discourse on gender mainstreaming and women’s empowerment by providing empirical insights into the challenges and successes of GFPs in KwaZulu-Natal. It offers valuable lessons and strategic directions for policymakers, practitioners, and advocates working towards gender equality and women’s empowerment in similar contexts. Through its detailed examination and strategic recommendations, this study not only enriches the academic and practical understanding of gender mainstreaming but also serves as a crucial resource for enhancing the operational effectiveness of GFPs in promoting gender equality and empowering women at the municipal level.
Does inclusion equal substance? assessing women's participation in peace processes : 2001-2022
(University of Pretoria, 2024-10) Wielenga, Cori; Sokfa, John; mokuenaT65@yahoo.co.uk; Mokuena, Tselane
Even though there has been burgeoning literature on women's participation in peacebuilding since the adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, more studies are needed to determine the extent of women's substantive inclusion in peace processes. This study examines how women are included in peace processes in ways that allow them to make a substantive contribution. The study also analyses African conflicts in which women were involved as mediators or in any other substantive way, capturing their participation broadly within the peace processes. A purposive sample of illustrative cases from the continent is selected between 2001, when the UNSCR 1325 was adopted, and 2022, when the study ends. These case studies encompass the following regions: Central, West, the Horn of Africa, North East and East Africa and include the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC,) Central African Republic (CAR,) Liberia, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, Uganda, and Burundi. The research evaluates women's substantive participation in peace processes using the following criteria: representation, recognition, incorporation, a clear women’s agenda, access, advocacy, and support. The study demonstrates that while including women and engaging in peace processes is critical to ensuring gender equality and sustainable peace, inclusion alone does not always guarantee significant participation. The study interrogates the concepts of inclusion, substantive versus descriptive participation, and formal and informal tracks involving women in peace processes. Keywords: women, participation, inclusion, substantive, descriptive, mediation, Track II, presence.
A critical analysis of chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter with a special reference to the African Union
(University of Pretoria, 2024-11-28) Graham, Victoria; Lebakeng, Josiah; gmoerane@yahoo.com; Moerane, Gomolemo Khumo
The thesis, A Critical Analysis of Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter with a Special Reference to the African Union, interrogates how Chapter VIII of the United Nations (UN) Charter and the African Union’s (AU) Constitutive Act are interpreted and implemented to promote collective security between the AU Peace and Security Council (AUPSC) and the UN Security Council (UNSC). The main research question that forms the focus of the study was, ‘To what extent are Chapter VIII of the UN Charter and the AU Constitutive Act compatible or competitive in the implementation of collective security on the African continent?’ The end of the Second World War (WWII) obligated the international community to reassess its position pertaining international peace and security, as well as finding a balance between universalism and regionalism. As a result, the UN was founded from the lessons learnt from the aftermath of the WWII and the failures of its predecessor, the League of Nations, from preventing the conflict. The UN’s foundation is based on the principles of maintaining international peace and security, as stipulated in Article 1 of its Charter. In ensuring the implementation of this principle, the UN Charter notes the importance of collective measures to prevent or eliminate any threat to international peace. In so doing, the UN Charter realises the importance of regional organisations in ensuring collective responses to issues of peace and security. Despite this acknowledgement, regionalism was accepted conditionally in so far as it was subordinate to universalism. In the same light, regional organisations, especially the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) faced the same introspection following the end of the Cold War, where its role as a regional organisation had failed to prevent the scourge of conflicts, as well as to ensure socio-economic development on the continent. This change of attitude saw the advent of the AU, whose role as a promoter for peace and security on the continent was enhanced and modified by the adoption of its Constitutive Act and the AU Peace and Security Protocols amending it. To better understand the relationship between the AU and the UN, the study provides a critical analysis of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter, which is the framework that governs the relationship between the two organisations. The study also provides an analysis of both the AU’s Constitutive Act and the PSC Protocol amending it, to understand how their implementation on collective security efforts reflect the normative framework of regional arrangements contained in Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. Having considered various theories, the theoretical framework adopted by this study is collective security, given its explanatory strength pertaining the regional and universal efforts in maintaining peace and security. This study adopted the qualitative research methodology, with desktop and semi-structured elite interviews as data collection methods and Libya and Côte d’Ivoire as case studies. In outlining the key findings of the study, this thesis addressed the similarities and differences, as well as the evolving relationship between the AU and UN, with respect to collective security as outlined by the AU’s Constitutive Act and Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. A further key finding is that both the Constitutive Act and the AUPSC Protocol amending it, have convergences and divergences with Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. The study identified the historical gaps and ambiguities within the Chapter VIII, which has consequences on the consistency and fairness of the implementation of collective security efforts, especially of the AU. The conclusion of the study is that the AU plays a complimentary role to the UN as it possesses a subsidiary responsibility to the UNSC. However, this is not due to the design of the AU Constitutive Act but the structural rigidity of the UNSC, the lack of a division of labour between the AUPSC and UNSC, as well as the AU’s financial dependency on external donors which often affects its collective security efforts. The study provides recommendations to improve the relationship between the AU and the UN, which seek to align the frameworks governing the two organisations’ collective security efforts. Moreover, a formal and well-defined division of labour, where the AU is not just a secondary actor but an equal participant in the implementation of collective security on the continent, would develop a stronger partnership on peace and security issues between the AU and UNSC.
An analysis of digital diplomacy in furthering South Africa’s foreign policy in a post-COVID-19 world
(University of Pretoria, 2024-11) Isike, Christopher; 19197056@tuks.co.za; Meyong, Bizana
Over the years, traditional concepts of diplomacy have undergone significant transformation, largely driven by globalisation, which has reshaped how states engage in diplomatic relations. The COVID-19 pandemic further compounded this shift by limiting physical diplomatic engagements and accelerating the reliance on digital tools for international communication and negotiation. In the case of South Africa, this shift presented both unique challenges and significant opportunities in leveraging digital diplomacy to advance its foreign policy objectives in the post-pandemic world. Despite the growing prominence of digital diplomacy across Africa, there is a distinct gap in research focused on how this form of diplomacy specifically operates within South Africa’s geopolitical and socio-economic context. This study addresses this gap by investigating the role of digital diplomacy in South Africa’s foreign policy during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. Using a qualitative research approach, the study involved in-depth interviews with academics and practitioners who have more than five years of experience in the fields of diplomacy and foreign policy. Thematic analysis of the interview data, framed through a soft power lens, highlights the potential for digital diplomacy to enhance South Africa’s international standing within the international system. The findings reveal that digital diplomacy offers critical opportunities for South Africa, including enhancing direct communication with global actors, improving diplomatic responsiveness, and leveraging cultural diplomacy to reshape international perceptions, particularly through storytelling and digital engagement on platforms like social media. Furthermore, the digital realm provides South Africa with an avenue to strengthen its role in multilateral forums by fostering deeper regional cooperation and amplifying its leadership in addressing global challenges. However, the study also identifies several key challenges that complicate South Africa’s adoption of digital diplomacy. These include the digital divide, which exacerbates unequal access to technology and hampers broader participation in digital diplomatic initiatives, as well as concerns over cybersecurity, misinformation, and risk of data privacy violations. Despite these challenges, the research underscores that digital diplomacy could play a transformative role in South Africa's foreign policy, enabling the country to navigate the complexities of the post-COVID world more effectively.
Local conceptions of child agency in post-conflict reintegration
(University of Pretoria, 2024-10) Wielenga, Cori; tyneashley.williams@gmail.com; Williams, Tyne A
Due to the emphasis on notions of innocence, dependency, and vulnerability, coupled with normative expectations surrounding children and their 'agency,' former child soldiers/returnees are often treated more as aid recipients than active participants in their own reintegration. This study explores the complexities of child agency in post-conflict environments, examining returnees' nuanced realities and participatory experiences beyond traditional wartime narratives, thus redefining 'child' and childhood in the aftermath of prolonged conflict. By challenging conventional understandings that drive reintegration programs for 'child' returnees, it emphasises alternative pathways for participation and reconciliation rooted in local contexts. The research investigates how local norms, values, and practices shape agency, posing the question: 'How do alternative conceptions of child agency and participation unsettle pre-existing structures and approaches towards the post-conflict reintegration of children?' Centred on the LRA insurgency in northern Uganda, this research employs a qualitative, informed grounded theory approach integrating a critical literature review, alongside semi-structured focus groups and interviews conducted in Gulu. Participants include former child soldiers, communities, child mothers, children born in captivity, and organizations dedicated to children’s rights and post-conflict reconciliation. Through open, axial, and focused coding of data, the study illuminates how local contexts shape children's roles, self-determination, and reciprocal relationships post-conflict, proposing a contextual and inclusive model for their reintegration and reconceptualising child agency in this context. This research thereby contributes a normative understanding of child agency in post-conflict settings, advocating for the incorporation of local insights to foster meaningful participation and holistic reintegration for former child soldiers long-term.
The role of cooperative regional climate diplomacy in addressing the climate-conflict nexus in the Horn of Africa
(University of Pretoria, 2024-10) Theron, Sonja; u19069139@tuks.co.za; Sijovu, Sinazo
The adverse effects of climate change have been widely felt by the Horn of Africa’s agro-reliant farmer and pastoralist communities. The increasing competition over scarce natural resources, which both groups depend upon for their livelihood, has culminated in cattle raiding and ongoing conflict, which has compromised regional peace and security in the Horn. The purpose of this study is to determine how effective cooperative regional diplomacy can be in addressing the dual human security threats posed by conflict and climate change in the Horn of Africa. The objective of this study is to explore the feasibility of preventing conflict and building resilience among the region’s vulnerable communities through cooperative diplomatic efforts, given the very prevalent and ongoing climate change challenges in the region. This qualitative desktop case study was conducted using secondary online sources, and an environmental governance analytical framework was applied in evaluating the literature. Despite various initiatives and programmes made possible by climate diplomacy efforts in the Horn, the study found that several factors, including institutional weaknesses, poor leadership, a severe lack of financial and technical resources, and inconsistent stakeholder prioritization of regional goals, have made regional environmental governance initiatives in the Horn less effective. These findings indicate the need for significant improvements and reform in the institutions that carry out environmental governance within the region. In addition, further research on how climate diplomacy tools can be better leveraged to achieve sustainable peace in the region is necessary. This study maintains that given the cross-border nature of the climate-conflict crisis between farmer and pastoralist groups, there is a need for diplomatic actors in the region, namely IGAD, the EAC and national governments, to recommit to collaboration and strengthening their multilateral partnerships. An all-encompassing solution which addresses the natural resource management, conflict resolution, climate change adaptation and livelihood support needs of the region is feasible in the Horn and can be attained through well-coordinated diplomatic efforts.
BRICS, club diplomacy and South Africa’s geopolitical repositioning
(University of Pretoria, 2017) Zondi, Siphamandla; Du Plessis, Anton; francoistheron882@gmail.com; Theron, François Jacques
This study sets out to explore whether South Africa’s membership of the BRICS forum serves the country’s national interests. More particularly this examination is approached from the perspective of the motivations given by South African policymakers for joining the forum. In this regard, the indications are that the South African Government views the implications of its membership of the forum quite differently from the foreign policy approaches indicated by Brazil and India, the two other democracies belonging to the forum. What comes to light in examining the decision to adhere to BRICS is that although South Africa views this as part and parcel of its commitment to multilateral diplomacy in a multipolar world, it also sees BRICS as a counterweight to the developed Western powers and therefore as a useful mechanism for undermining the existing Western liberal international order. South Africa’s apparent enthusiasm for undermining the liberal order is not shared to the same extent by Brazil and certainly not by India. Indeed, the evidence suggests instead that India regards BRICS as a “counterpoise” and “partner” to the existing Western multilateral processes. On the other hand, when in 2009 Russia convened the first BRIC heads of states summit at Yekaterinburg, Moscow was experiencing a period of increasing isolation from the West. It was therefore in Moscow’s interest to signal that there was an alternative to a West-dominated global order. This need became even more important for Russia in 2015 after the start of the Ukraine and Crimean crises. An important narrative coming out of the BRICS Ufa Summit in 2015 was that Eurasia is a new centre of economic and political gravity, where Russia and China can peacefully cooperate without United States interference. Similarly, in recent years China has been changing its low-profile image to one of a more assertive power, manifesting policies that vary from being status quo orientated to anti-status quo – in other words acting as a revisionist power though perhaps not to the same extent as Russia – and pushing against the West. Yet, China’s newfound assertiveness has been particularly manifest in the Asia-Pacific region to the extent that the outbreak of great power armed conflict in that region, whether accidental or otherwise, cannot be excluded. In addition, China’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) project, is also likely to be one of Beijing’s principal foreign policy focus areas for the next five to ten years and this is another manifestation of the country’s newfound assertiveness carrying as it does significant geopolitical implications for the future. Seen against the background of these new geopolitical developments, BRICS has a utility for both Moscow and Beijing as the forum offers both Russia and China a political and diplomatic buffer zone between themselves and the West. Research indicates that India’s approach to BRICS is non-ideological, but nevertheless regards its membership of the forum as imperative in view of China’s presence therein. Relations between India and China, and between these two countries and Russia, have a different character from just normal or routine bilateral relations and tend to take on existential overtones. Accordingly, the relationship between these three countries has been characterised as ambivalent. All this suggests that national interest considerations were as important as notions of multilateralism when the BRICS countries, initially four then five, chose to adhere to the association or forum. Although in BRICS South Africa has committed itself to a variation of alliance politics, the country has consequently also effectively exposed itself to old fashioned power politics, particularly as far as Russia and China are concerned. At the same time, as the study highlights, because South Africa is only a middle power by committing itself wholeheartedly to BRICS, even describing BRICS as the country’s principal platform for relations with the global South, the negative side-effect of BRICS membership has been to limit the country’s foreign policy options and strategic manoeuvrability. BRICS membership has therefore not come cost-free. The study highlights that South Africa’s decision to join BRICS was to a great extent ideologically driven and it is not evident that adequate cost-benefit and evidence-based foreign policy analysis was undertaken prior to accession. As indicated in the study, the BRICS concept of diplomacy is described by some scholars as constituting a new innovation in global governance. Yet, BRICS is located within a variant of multilateral diplomacy known as club diplomacy which has a long lineage going back to the 19th Century. Club diplomacy is essentially state-centric and the very epitome of state-centric club diplomacy would appear to be the BRICS. The state-centric aspects of BRICS help explain why South Africa applied for BRICS membership and why South Africa sees BRICS as a natural fit. However, club diplomacy also has drawbacks as it lacks the rules and protections provided by formal multilateral and inter-governmental organisations to smaller and middle powers, particularly when they choose to associate themselves closely with the diplomacy of great or major powers, and this places South Africa in a dilemma. Seen from the perspective of the classical geopolitical theories of Sir Halford Mackinder’s Heartland and Nicholas Spykman’s Rimland, the study demonstrates that BRICS constitutes the very opposite of the United States’ Cold War era strategy of containment which in recent years has been revived in view of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s assertive and muscular foreign policy. This aspect potentially raises problems for South Africa in its diplomatic relations with its traditional and historic partners in the developed North but without bringing additional advantages to its diplomatic relations with its partner countries in Africa. It is therefore open to doubt whether BRICS significantly benefits South Africa’s national interests. The study recommends that South Africa sheds its ideological bias and recalibrates its foreign policy by taking into account the complexities of contemporary international politics. This does not necessarily involve leaving BRICS, which could lead to further loss of prestige by the country, but it does require adopting a more independent approach particularly as regards Russia and China. Inescapably tied to this recommendation is that South Africa focuses on how its foreign relations could facilitate its own economic growth and job creation. South Africa’s trade with the BRICS economies is largely with China but this has been at the expense of the de-industrialisation of the South African economy and the loss of tens of thousands of manufacturing jobs. It is essential that South Africa moves its economy up the value chain and as far as possible escapes the commodities rut for an economy benefits most from the type of advanced intra-industry trade which characterises much of South Africa’s trade with the European Union and the United States. South Africa should, therefore, improve its somewhat frayed relations with its traditional Western partners and desist from looking at the world only through a BRICS-prism. From a diplomatic perspective it would be prudent for South Africa to factor in the possibility that BRICS’ future is uncertain. South Africa should carefully monitor developments in the United States and China closely as they both significantly influence world politics and the global economy. South Africa should also refocus on its African Agenda which for some years now has lost momentum as well as political support both from South Africa and from other African states. For South Africa’s security and economic growth also depend on a stable and economically productive Africa and Southern Africa. Finally, South Africa should strive to restore its domestic governance practices to an acceptable level and to once again advance a rules-based international system which, inter alia, would enable South Africa to resume its role as a bridge-builder which previously earned it much diplomatic prestige.
Pastoralist conflict in Ethiopia from 2015 to 2022 : climate change and food insecurity as exacerbating factors
(University of Pretoria, 2024-07) Blake, Robin; srmandlenkosimoyo@gmail.com; Moyo, Mandlenkosi Makhayeni
This study explores how climate change and food insecurity account for an exacerbation in conflict involving pastoralists in Ethiopia from 2015 to 2022. Because of Ethiopia’s geographical setting, terrain and over-reliance on rainfed agriculture the nation is extremely susceptible to climate change. The increase in temperatures and recurring droughts due to climate change have resulted in a drastic decline in crop yields and reduced pastures. The study focused on pastoralists in the Somali region and analysed conflicts with pastoralists from its neighbouring regional states that it shares borders with. The conflicts analysed were between the Somali-Afar and Somali-Oromia pastoralist communities between 2015 and 2022. Due to a lack of natural resources, these communities have been historically contesting territories along shared borders. The impact of conflicts on food and livelihood security of these pastoralist communities was also considered. The study finds that the Somali region of Ethiopia has suffered the most from climate change induced droughts and famine from 2015-2022 due to the arid harsh climate which has forced the communities to find alternative strategies of surviving these droughts. Not only did the study provide evidence of the link between climate change induced droughts and famines, food insecurity and livelihood insecurity, but it linked all these to conflicts among pastoralists communities. The research concludes that climate change and food insecurity significantly exacerbated conflict among pastoralist communities in Ethiopia between 2015 to 2022.
Evaluating South Africa's policy and institutional frameworks to combat terrorism : implications for security sector reform
(University of Pretoria, 2024-05-31) Isike, Christopher; michael.thekiso@gmail.com; Thekiso, Ramotlhantsweng Michael Gilbert
If the stability of the Southern African region is to be maintained, the ability to combat and prevent terrorism should be of utmost importance to South Africa. The lack of significant terrorist attacks in the region is likely to entice the authorities into a state of complacency, and denial, potentially resulting in a failure to take action. This may provide an opportunity for terrorists to launch attacks in South Africa, which has become a preferred destination for terrorists. The question of its readiness for a terrorist attack, therefore, becomes ever relevant. The primary objective of the study is to evaluate the effectiveness of South Africa’s policy and institutional framework to combat and prevent terrorism in South Africa as perceived by senior officers in the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). The study uses the institutional theory as its primary theoretical framework to assess the institutions responsible for countering terrorism. It additionally identifies South Africa’s anti-terrorism legislation and relevant institutions responsible for combatting and preventing terrorism. It further evaluates the institutions’ history in preventing terrorism, as well as their state of readiness in case of probable attacks. Importantly, the study measures the respondents’ perceptions regarding the institutions’ ability to quell a terrorist attack. This study utilised an explanatory sequential mixed method approach, which involved surveying 280 senior officers from the SANDF. The respondents were selected using a probability sampling technique known as simple random sampling. An additional 19 academics and security practitioners were chosen using a non-probability random method, purposive sampling method. Semi-structured interviews were used for this purpose. The quantitative data was analysed using the IBM SPSS computer software’s descriptive statistics. The qualitative data, on the other hand, was analysed using the thematic analysis approach. These elements were integrated and interpreted simultaneously. The study’s key finding is that there appears to be a general lack of public trust and confidence in the capacity of government institutions and the anti-terrorism policy framework to effectively combat and prevent terrorism in South Africa. This can be vii attributed to the perceived high levels of corruption in certain government institutions, institutional dysfunctionality, and a general apathy towards the government. Furthermore, inadequate communication regarding terrorism may have adversely impacted the respondents’ views on the government’s capacity to address a terrorist threat in South Africa. This finding is suggestive of a need for a holistic approach to security sector reform in order to effectively combat terrorism in South Africa.
Evaluating William Gumede's elements of democratic deficit as an adverse feature of liberation movements in government : the case of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa
(University of Pretoria, 2024-04-25) Henwood, Roland; vdwalt.p72@gmail.com; Van der Walt, Philippus
The research in this dissertation consists of a critical literature study and evaluation of William Gumede’s (2017) elements of democratic deficit as a feature of liberation movements. Examining the political culture of the ANC within the theoretical framework presented by Gumede (2017), three research questions are addressed in relation to the applicability of Gumede’s framework on the political cultures of liberation movements, the impact thereof on the decline in legitimacy and voter support for the ANC in South Africa, and the primary elements of democratic deficit demonstrated by the ANC which have impacted on democratic consolidation in South Africa since 1994.
A critical analysis of the US-China geopolitical contest in the Indo-Pacific region : implications for Africa's regional inclusion
(University of Pretoria, 2024-04-02) Isike, Christopher; u22831712@tuks.co.za; Mmako, Mmamashilo Herminah
The Indo-Pacific region holds significant and strategic geopolitical importance in the 21st century. It is in the region that the US-China strategic contest is prevalent, driven by economic, security, and geopolitical interests. This strategic contest implicates Africa, fostering strategic synergies in the broader Indo-Pacific. Although the US-China rivalry is the centrepiece of the geopolitical discourses of the Indo-Pacific, other major powers such as Australia, India, Japan, and ASEAN also influence regional dynamics. It is for this reason that the strategic US-China rivalry implicates regional members who also contest for power and influence in the broader Indo-Pacific with the extension of synergies with the African littoral nations in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This study provides a critical analysis of the US-China geopolitical contest in the Indo-Pacific region and its implications for Africa’s regional inclusion. It argues that African littoral nations of the IOR are largely excluded in the regional framework and discourses of the Indo-Pacific. Also, the continent is marginalized in the Indo-Pacific strategic visions and conceptions of key stakeholders such as the United States and Australia whose regional construct excludes the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region while the Association of Southeast Asia (ASEAN) has an ambiguous construct of the Indo-Pacific. This geopolitical exclusion implies that Africa is left out of the strategic forums and initiatives of the Indo-Pacific such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ASEAN-ARF) and the United States Indo-Pacific Command (US-INDOPACOM). Through the use of a qualitative methodology and content analysis technique, the study examined this geopolitical exclusion and explored strategic opportunities for Africa’s regional inclusion. This is done within tenets of the theory of new regionalism which the study adopted as a theoretical framework of its critical analysis to explain Africa’s geopolitical exclusion in the Indo-Pacific region. New regionalism theory argues for regional multilateralism and aims to create non-hegemonic regions while supporting international cooperation. The analysis of the study, however, shows that Africa lacks a clear policy focus and a common position in response to the growing significance and synergies within the broader Indo-Pacific. Secondly, the US-China strategic contest in the Indo-Pacific region and Africa serves as a strategic pathway for the inclusion of the continent in the region; regional members such as India and Japan also play a crucial role in Africa’s inclusion in the region. Concluding that Africa’s regional inclusion in the Indo-Pacific presents economic, security, and geopolitical opportunities for the continent that cannot be ignored, the study recommends, amongst others, that Africa develops an Indo-Pacific Outlook/Strategy guided by the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)-Indo-Pacific Outlook (IPO) which includes the Eastern and Southern African littoral nations as geographic parts of the Indo-Pacific. The IPO should also guide the revision of America and Australia’s Indo-Pacific visions to include Africa to the fore.
The potential of the Great Blue Wall Initiative to achieve human security in the Western Indian ocean region.
(University of Pretoria, 2024-06-23) Schoeman, Maxi; davidwillima116@gmail.com; Wilima, David
Maritime securitisation is increasingly receiving scholarly attention, particularly regarding its role in protecting national interests and it is therefore being linked to geopolitical and developmental discussions. However, there is a noticeable trend of maritime security being focused on traditional security conceptions which neglect human security concerns. This study examines the capacity of the Great Blue Wall (GBW) initiative to attain human security in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region through the development of a human security framework centred around the ocean and focused on five dimensions of human security: Environmental Security, Food Security, Economic Security, Health Security and Political Security. The study uses this approach to evaluate the GBW's ability to enhance human security in the WIO. The results suggest that the GBW, through its three-pronged objectives of climate action, biodiversity restoration and promotion of a blue economy has great potential to attain human security by tackling the complex obstacles encountered by coastal communities. Nevertheless, it is crucial to acknowledge that the GBW is not a panacea and its benefits might be compromised by evolving geopolitical factors. Hence, it is imperative to supplement the GBW with additional regional initiatives to enhance maritime safety and mitigate pollution in the WIO. The Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) have the potential to significantly contribute to the support and enhancement of the GBW's aims. By adopting a comprehensive and cooperative strategy, the WIO region may strive to attain sustained human security and protect the welfare of its coastal populations. These regional initiatives can help address the specific challenges faced by the WIO region, such as illegal fishing, piracy, and oil spills. By collaborating with IORA and IMO, the WIO countries can benefit from capacity sharing, additional resources, and regional coordinated efforts to ensure that effective maritime safety and security measures are in place. Additionally, these initiatives can also promote sustainable development and economic growth in the region by facilitating trade and promoting responsible maritime practices
An examination of Mugabe’s look east policy, 2003-2017 : an AfroCentric perspective
(University of Pretoria, 2024-05-20) Blake, Robin; Bizos, Anthony; domain.molebeledi@gmail.com; Maphaka, Dominic
Zimbabwe-China relations have elicited attention from the media, academics, and scholarly literature. Since the introduction of Zimbabwe’s unwritten Look East Policy in 2003 and its implementation until the ousting of Mugabe in 2017, the two countries deepened relations in various sectors with the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, serving as a platform, thus it continues to shape the two countries' relationship on a broader level. Mugabe-led Zimbabwe sought refuge in the Asian giant, in the face of a Western economic and political onslaught, which culminated in economic woes for the Southern African country. The literature in this area has focused primarily on the benefits and challenges that ensued from the introduction of this Policy. Considering that the individual decision-maker has been neglected by studies concerning the Policy, this exploratory qualitative research examines the role played by Mugabe in the formulation and implementation of Zimbabwe’s unwritten Look East Policy. Guided by the underutilised Behaviourist approach in foreign policy analysis, the study draws data from both primary and secondary sources to show the role played byMugabe in Zimbabwe’s foreign policy.
Analysing protests through the prism of constructive patriotism: the EndSARS and Black Lives Matter movements in focus
(University of Pretoria, 2024-05-23) Isike, Christopher; u21594318@tuks.co.za; Ekup-Nse, Daniel
The rise of nationwide protests across many countries in the world has the potential to make or mar such countries. While research has greatly focused on the character, impact, common and unique factors that instigate such protests, what is evidently lacking is an explicit delineation of such protests within the prisms of constructive patriotism rooted in constitutional values. This gap in research does not allow for adequate analysis and understanding of specific protests by the public and the government, whose response to such protests can stimulate or condense the constructive patriotic verve of its citizens. Therefore, this study addresses the following questions: Is there a theoretical basis for constructive patriotism? What qualifies a protest to be categorised as constructive patriotism? And, what are the implications of categorising protest as a constructive patriotism? This study addresses the above by analysing, within the context of constructive patriotism, two spates of protests that took place in democratic countries: the EndSars in Nigeria and Black Lives Matter (BLM) in the United States. The qualitative case study methodology was adopted for this study. Data was obtained from primary and secondary sources. Constitutional patriotism, which advocates for citizens’ loyalty to a liberal democratic constitution and/or the shared national values and beliefs, was applied as a theoretical base to justify constructive patriotism over expectations of blind patriotism.
Power transition theory as naval diplomatic practice : an analysis of the United States of America and the people's Republic of China in the Indian ocean from 2017 - 2023
(University of Pretoria, 2023-11-10) Blake, Robin; khasasibusiso@gmail.com; Khasa, Sibusiso
China, as a rising power in the global system, has been increasing its naval presence in the Indian Ocean and the establishment of the country’s first-ever naval base in Djibouti further raised concerns from the dominant state in the international system, which is the United States of America. Moreover, the Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean has fuelled the debate of an ongoing transfer of power between a rising China and the US. This study contends that the naval diplomatic practices of the US and Chinese navies in the Indian Ocean, which includes port calls, senior visits, establishing bases, and bilateral and multilateral exercises with Djibouti, India, and Pakistan, partially account for a macro transition of power involving both countries.
South Africa's influence in multilateral organisations : a case study of the proposal for a TRIPS waiver at the WTO
(University of Pretoria, 2023-11-06) Bizos, Anthony; nthabi24@gmail.com; Malefane, Mpe Nthabiseng
The COVID-19 pandemic occurred at a time that multilateral cooperation was confronted with legitimacy, accountability, and representation deficits. It was in this environment that South Africa and India presented a proposal for a waiver at the World Trade Organisation (WTO), on the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) provisions with regards to COVID-19 vaccines, diagnostics, and therapeutics. The reaction of the various global key players to the proposal was a further indication of the deficits in the system. This study explores the question of “is South Africa, as an emerging power, influential in the system of global governance?” The joint proposal that South Africa and India put forward at the WTO is used as a case study. The attributes of emerging powers and their role in multilateral organisations have been considered as indicative of South Africa’s status. A description of the key concepts was incorporated to provide the context for analysis of South Africa’s subsequent behaviour at the WTO. The reactions of the WTO member states and regional groups which opposed the waiver proposal, notably the European Union, indicates that the system of global governance is still largely influenced by developed countries. The final Decision was a compromise that carefully balanced the interests of all WTO member states. It was, however, significant that the WTO managed to reach consensus and adopt a Decision that binds all of its member states.
Analysis of South Africa’s response to COVID-19 through the securitization theory
(University of Pretoria, 2024-02) Henwood, Roland David; sthela@citypower.co.za; Thela, Sergeant A.
The study aimed to analyse South Africa’s response to COVID-19 and if it constituted a securitization act. To securitize means a securitizing actor elevates an issue beyond politics by treating it as an existential threat and adopt emergency and extra-ordinary measures to manage it. The study employed the securitization theory and its core elements to analyse President Cyril Ramaphosa's speeches in response to the COVID-19 outbreak to determine if specific words and phrases meet the securitization threshold. The study also explored the de-securitization concept, specifically, in relation to South Africa's COVID-19 alert level system as well as President Ramaphosa's speech to the nation delivered on 4 April 2022 which effectively terminated the national state of disaster and national lockdown. The study concludes that President Ramaphosa securitized COVID-19 to protect the people of South Africa and the economy against the existential threat caused by the virus. The main goal for securitizing COVID-19 was to flatten the curve to allow time for the health system to increase readiness, which was accomplished. The study further reveals that the alert level system created a de-securitization spectrum where the securitization levels were gradually relaxed towards a de-securitized spectrum. The president's speech on 4 April 2022 to terminate the national state of disaster and national lockdown marked a full de-securitization of COVID-19 and a return of the country to normalcy. The study provides a framework, which scholars can use to analyse non-traditional security issues, which may present existential threats to referent objects.
National interest as a determinant of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean Sub-Regional security complex
(University of Pretoria, 2023) Henwood, Roland David; Stiles, Michael; sessop97@gmail.com; Essop, Saphia Hanan
This study explores the question of if and how the protection and promotion of the national interests of two states in a regional security subcomplex affects the stability of the subcomplex itself. The specific case this study utilises is Greek and Turkish relations in the Eastern Mediterranean regional security subcomplex, where both states make up a security complex within the larger RSC of the Eastern Mediterranean. This study considers their relationship by providing historical context to their current political dynamic, coupled with a catalysing element of conflict in the race towards finding hydrocarbon reserves in the region between 2011 and 2021. To answer the research question, this study utilises three primary theoretical frameworks; firstly, Nuechterlein’s National Interests framework in tandem with Bengtsson’s Logic of Interfaces, aid in identifying identify the national interests of both states and the ways in which each state protects and pursues them. Secondly, this study utilises recognition theory in the Logic of Interface to determine the patterns of amity and enmity between the states, alongside the institutions established to mitigate and de-escalate conflict, in order to frame the sub-RSC on the amity/enmity spectrum, as defined by Oskanian. Lastly, this study considers how changes in behaviours of states could potentially affect the stability of the sub-RSC by identifying how much escalation is tolerated before shifting more towards revisionist conflict formations on the amity/enmity spectrum. In the context of this case study, it is determined that this RSC falls between status-quo conflict formations and thin security regimes on the amity-enmity spectrum. In this regard, the risk appetite for conflict in this RSC is broad, due to persistently fluctuating patterns of amity and enmity. However, this RSC has managed to effectively utilise conflict mitigating strategies and security-normalising institutions in order to maintain its position on the amity/enmity spectrum and avoid the collapse of security regimes, altogether ensuring some semblance of stability.
Developing an inclusive national identity in South Africa through an examination of belonging using WW Gqoba and SEK Mqhayi
(University of Pretoria, 2024-02-09) Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus; u17403988@up.ac.za; Kumalo, Siseko H.
Examining national identity, belonging and a national culture, this study argues for the theorisation of the political reality in South Africa by analysing the literary landscape of the country. By combining a set of interrelated disciplines, i.e., political theory, history and historiography, philosophy and literature, the study makes the case for a reading and theorising of national culture using the works of historical Black/Indigenous intellectuals whose work was developed using one of the indigenous languages of the country, isiXhosa. Fashioning a national identity, culture and a sense of belonging, it is argued, is possible through a systematic engagement with William Wellington Gqoba and Samuel Edward Krune Mqhayi. Such a process of theory development facilitates a postliberal conception of democracy that works to hold two competing identities—Black/Indigenous and white settler colonial descendent identities—in tandem. This study demonstrates the possibilities of articulating contextually situated democratic articulations and contributes to the advancement of the discipline of political theory. This comes as democracy has received a series of critiques from leading intellectuals in the country, on the basis that it undermines the project of mass liberation intended in the promise of democracy. The study concludes by making a case for the systematic engagement of marginal ontologies insofar as we are invested in fashioning a national identity in post-colonial societies. The proposition is that such an engagement can better position political theory intervention, that attempts to understand the conditions that define the political realities of post-colonies and decolonial efforts.
Multilateralism and vaccine diplomacy : an analysis of Covid-19 practises from August 2020 to July 2022
(University of Pretoria, 2023-09) Henwood, Roland David; lunebotha@gmail.com; Botha, Luné
This qualitative study questions what patterns of multilateral vaccine diplomacy were practised by states to adapt to the challenge of Covid-19 from August 2020 to July 2022. The vaccine diplomacy practises of China, Russia, India, the UK, and the USA within the multilateral domain are analysed through secondary data analysis. These states were selected since literature demonstrates that they are key players in the Covid-19 vaccine manufacturing and production process; they provided a significant amount of Covid-19 vaccine donations and played leading roles in the geopolitical system during Covid-19. The study is further guided by a conceptual framework that touches on the concepts of foreign policy, soft power, diplomacy, global health diplomacy, vaccine nationalism, vaccine diplomacy and multilateralism. The study shows that these nations have adopted a dual-method strategy in vaccine diplomacy—bilaterally and multilaterally—to realise their national interests. These interests are not solely confined to immediate health and immunisation goals but also extend to strategically secure future advantages, such as enhancing their influence or bolstering diplomatic ties within specific regions such as Africa and the East Asia Pacific. This study is significant for practitioners and scholars since it analyses the most significant “givers and receivers” of vaccine diplomacy that sheds light on our current geopolitical context, multilateral state alliances and the intentions behind vaccine diplomacy.

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